04

Parking reform

Stop forcing every home to buy parking

Builders can still provide parking. Just stop hiding a mandatory space—and its cost—inside every apartment.

In plain English

Allow residents and builders to choose parking based on actual need instead of requiring a fixed number of spaces with every home.

How it works

Remove the barrier. Let homes respond.

01

Unbundle the cost

Residents who do not need a space no longer have to pay for one through rent or purchase price.

02

Free constrained sites

Odd lots and existing buildings can become housing without fitting arbitrary parking ratios.

03

Manage the curb

Cities address street parking with permits, meters, loading zones, and accessibility rules.

The implementation test

Real reform or paper promise?

Ending a minimum is not banning parking. It means a project may provide zero spaces, one per home, or more—while the city manages public curb space directly.

TestStrongWeak or symbolic
Scope

StrongMinimums are removed for all housing types citywide.

Weak or symbolicRelief applies only within a tiny transit overlay.

Curb policy

StrongPermits, prices, loading, and accessibility manage scarce streets.

Weak or symbolicThe mandate disappears without a plan for high-demand curbs.

Choice

StrongParking costs can be separated from housing costs.

Weak or symbolicOther rules quietly recreate the old ratio.

Strong policy principles

  • Remove minimums citywide rather than only in tiny overlays.
  • Retain accessible parking requirements.
  • Price and manage high-demand curb space directly.
  • Allow residents to rent parking separately from housing.

Watch for

  • Replacing minimums with disguised mandates
  • Ignoring curb management
  • Confusing fewer required spaces with a parking ban

Pair it with

  • Residential parking permits
  • Accessible spaces
  • Bike and car-share facilities
  • Frequent transit

Measure whether it works

  • Spaces built per home
  • Project cost and feasibility
  • Adaptive reuse
  • Curb occupancy

In practice

What this reform looks like on the ground.

Buffalo, New YorkApril 3, 2017

Buffalo Green Code

Buffalo's comprehensive form-based code removed citywide minimum parking requirements while retaining other transportation-management tools.

Lesson

Buffalo stopped pretending every building needs the same parking ratio. Builders can provide parking where people value it; the city can manage the curb directly.

Evidence status

The Green Code establishes the policy. Shoup explains the hidden cost of mandates, and Los Angeles offers an implementation case where removing them unlocked housing reuse.

Buffalo zoning ordinances ↗ (opens in a new tab)
Austin, TexasNovember 13, 2023

Ordinance 20231102-028

Austin eliminated minimum motor-vehicle parking requirements citywide while retaining accessible-parking requirements.

Lesson

A clear citywide rule is easier to understand and administer than a patchwork of small exemptions, though curb management still requires its own policy.

Evidence status

The reform is still young. Its immediate test is what builders choose to provide and which previously difficult projects become feasible—not a premature citywide rent verdict.

Executed Austin ordinance ↗ (opens in a new tab)

Why support it?

The evidence behind the solution.

Established evidence

Free parking is paid for through everything else.

A parking space consumes land, concrete, and money. Mandates hide that bill inside every home—even when a resident would rather have lower rent than a place for a car.

Keep in mind: Removing a mandate does not ban parking. Builders can still provide it where residents will pay for it, while cities manage curbs and accessibility directly.
Strong evidence

A city cannot build homes it has made illegal.

Legalize real projects across enough land and builders respond. Auckland did this at city scale and saw a large permitting boom; narrower reforms have usually delivered less.

Keep in mind: Permission is necessary but not sufficient. Financing, land, construction costs, approval time, and demand determine whether newly legal homes are actually built.
Strong evidence

Legal on paper is not the same as buildable in practice.

A reform can promise density and still bury it under tiny maps, parking ratios, setbacks, fees, hearings, and delay. Good reform makes ordinary projects legal, feasible, and predictable.

Keep in mind: Chicago's narrow reform produced no detectable building increase in its early years. That helps show why scale, feasibility, and follow-through matter.
Study chart · redrawn

Figure 2 · Living space after upzoning

The strongest post-reform increases appear after roughly five years, especially for large upzonings.

REDRAWN FROM STUDY DATAFigure 2 · Living space after upzoning
Figure 2 · Living space after upzoningThe strongest post-reform increases appear after roughly five years, especially for large upzonings. Values digitized from Figure 2; the long-run all-treatment value is checked against the paper’s approximately 9% estimate in the archived publication; minor reading error is possible.-5%0%5%10%15%Living-space effect (%)Years relative to upzoningAll upzoningsLarge upzoningsSmall upzoningsUPZONING−4−1+2+5+8+9
Figure 2 · Living space after upzoning. Values digitized from Figure 2; the long-run all-treatment value is checked against the paper’s approximately 9% estimate in the archived publication; minor reading error is possible.
Years relative to upzoningAll upzoningsLarge upzoningsSmall upzonings
−4-1-20
−30-10
−2-10-1
−1000
0000
+1010
+2121
+3241
+4362
+5593
+66114
+77135
+88155
+99166

Source: Büchler & Lutz (2024), Figure 2; PDF p. 8.

Read carefully: The outcome is living space, and local quality-adjusted rent differences were not statistically clear.

Study chart · redrawn

Figure 6 · Estimated treatment effects on dwelling permits

The estimated effects become positive after the reform for both attached and detached homes.

REDRAWN FROM STUDY DATAFigure 6 · Estimated treatment effects on dwelling permits
Figure 6 · Estimated treatment effects on dwelling permitsThe estimated effects become positive after the reform for both attached and detached homes. Values digitized from Figure 6 in the archived publication; minor reading error is possible.00.5011.5Additional permits per areaYears relative to reformAll dwellingsAttachedDetachedUPZONING−4−20+2+4+5
Figure 6 · Estimated treatment effects on dwelling permits. Values digitized from Figure 6 in the archived publication; minor reading error is possible.
Years relative to reformAll dwellingsAttachedDetached
−4-0.050-0.02
−30-0.020
−20.0200
−1000
00.10.050.04
+10.250.150.1
+20.450.30.15
+30.750.550.2
+41.150.850.28
+51.451.050.35

Source: Greenaway-McGrevy & Phillips (2023), Figure 6; PDF p. 34.

Read carefully: The outcome is permits per statistical area, not completed homes; the control comparison relies on non-upzoned areas.

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